This essay argues that, to some extent, colonialism continues to shape contemporary international relations in two significant ways. Firstly, multinational corporations use neocolonial tactics such as exploitation of production and indirect nationalistic behaviours derived from colonialism. Secondly, colonial arbitrary African border designs provoke civil wars, invoking foreign aid, continuing the trajectory of colonial-style international relations. Many multinational corporations establish their nationalistic presence, identifying openly with their countries of origin, constructing an indirect version of colonialism called neocolonialism. Aside from the nationalistic neo-colonial approach, this essay demonstrates another neo-colonial strategy established in the modern age of establishing power through the practices within multinational corporations, from extracting, excluding and dismissal. Multinational corporations reaffirm distinctions between the former colonizers and colonies and continue to practice colonial-style power relations in modern society as they occupy and overpower more ground. The coercive of their dismissal towards their subsidiaries is evident, as well as extracting resources from locations across the world without including the peripheries in the decision-making that ultimately concerns them and their lives (Storgaard, et al. 2020, p. 1472), exhibiting the prejudiced imbalance of power relations between the colonizer and the colony. The calls for global aid, instigated by the colonial arbitrary African border designs, require developing countries to be indebted and shape contemporary international relations similarly to the historical colonial-style powered concept. The oppressive nature of the forceful structure impacts domestic conflicts, political instability, and revolutionary movements, whilst partitioning exacerbates international disputes. Although this essay predominantly argues how both strategies shape international relations today, it also addresses the accountability decolonized states can take, so to display the effects of neocolonialism on international relations today is not entirely to blame for shaping contemporary international relations. Before concluding, the third point of this essay argues from an opposing point of view, demonstrating the failures of post-colonial African states and their competency in achieving independence, focusing on Nigerian rise and fall post-decolonization with the military dictatorship that followed in the 1990s, eroding academic freedom and failure to utilize graduates intellect to aid in economic development and rise in an autonomous competitive global scale to change the trajectory of international relations today from the inferior-exterior colonial-style interactions.

 

This segment reveals the hold colonizers continue to display economically and politically despite decolonization, with multinational corporations utilizing neocolonial tactics. This section argues two significant neocolonial tactics. Firstly, the nationalistic approach dictated within MNCs, and secondly, the exploitation of production by international private enterprises.  

Firstly, international relations continue to discourse on the established concept of the superior West and inferior others (non-west) in contemporary societies with the measures of nationalism within multinational corporations (Storgaard et al. 2020, p. 1470). The nationalistic approach amongst MNCs is in cultural distinctions and exacerbating the ideology of superior-inferior interactions. The disputes and conflicts that arise as MNCs are the channels that perpetuate the battle of us vs. them, forming inequalities within the organizations (Vaara, Tienari, and Koveshnikov 2019, p. 2052). The contemporary exploitation of neo-colonialism by multinational corporations developing imperial power through illusionary claims of universalism, by their ignorance of cultural and institutional heterogeneity, whilst subjecting locals to insignificant treatments that do not conform to the notion of universal globalization is a nationalistic approach used that display neocolonial tactic to continue colonial-style relations (Storgaard, et al. 2020, p. 1472). The post-colonial hierarchy has given rise to conflicts in management, where consultants in the West, behavioural and preconceived ideologies influence the structure that aids multinational corporations as Storgarrd, et al (2020, p. 1472) contend, in being among the most significant carriers of neocolonialism worldwide. The construction of multinational corporations behaviour according to cultural norms and values influences verdicts by national, cultural, and established home and host settings, concerned with the identified nations' interests indirectly continuing the superior-inferior relations from the colonial age (Vaara, Tienari, and Koveshnikov 2019, p. 2054 & 2057).

Secondly, multinational corporations reaffirm distinctions between the former colonizers and colonies and continue to practice colonial-style power relations in modern society as they occupy and overpower more ground, affecting economic growth and influencing political affairs. International private enterprises source cheap raw materials for European industries that cause Multinational corporations in Africa to flourish and establish power to birth neo-colonialism (Nwosu 2023, p. 175). Multinational corporations seek cheap raw materials, cheap labour, and a market for their manufactured goods, like the era of the slave trade, where the abuse of slavery fast-tracked the progression of production in Europe. Furthermore, returns made are deported to the host nations rather than reinvesting in the source of their gains, affecting economic growth in the colonies (Nwosu 2023, p. 174). Such disregard for the subsidiaries of the headquarters settings and ethnocentrism in Western multinational corporations can guise neo-colonialism, exhibiting a contemporary continuation of colonialism perpetuating political, economic, and cultural control. 

 

This section argues how the global aid required from post-colonial conflicts provoked by the colonial-arbitrary African border designs leaves developing countries indebted, perpetuating neocolonialism and the exploitation of superiority conditioned by colonial-style ideology. The oppressive nature of the forceful structure impacts domestic conflicts, political instability, and revolutionary movements. This fragment of the essay investigates the link between ethnic partition and modern international borders instigating potential risks of civil conflicts in Africa by focusing on two issues neglected that arose from the arbitrary partitioning of African boundaries that continue to affect economic development and subjugate Africa to global aid, shaping contemporary international relations. The first is the careless split of ethnic groups in Africa, encouraging the likelihood of armed conflicts amongst the central government (Ito 2021, p. 987). The second is disputes having the capacity and power to escalate conflict through contemporary disproportioned group size (Ito 2021, p. 986). Firstly, the partitioning of African boundaries and the ignorance towards the pre-existing distinct groups who lived under opposing systems caused civil wars because communities forcefully united through the colonization of states and fought for separation (Lange and Dawson 2009, p. 789). The analysis of the first issue suggests that arbitrary border designs are a neo-colonial strategy in keeping colonial rule operational instead of random, neglecting the consequences of boundary-making developed political methods that grouped opposing indigenous communities and divided various original communities (Lange and Dawson 2009, p. 789). Secondly, split groups suffer in a persecuted cycle, as colonial borders divided ethnic groups disproportionately, inclining to political discrimination, provoking the discriminated ethnic groups to take measures in armed rebellion against the central government (Ito 2021, p. 994) Moreover when considering the demographic substantial size of a specific divide, if large enough to be an effective representative for political competition can retain political prominence (Ito 2021, p. 987). Conflicts having the ability to escalate and develop ground are conditioned by the contemporary demographic size of split groups, causing the risk of civil wars by ethnic partition to lack visibility for demographically small-sized groups (Ito 2021, p. 987). Such civil wars affect economic development, resulting in global aid. Foreign aid raises many ethical, moral, and legal problems and potentially ambushes the state indebted in a cycle of aid dependency, continuing the colonial style inferior-superior relations in modern-age international interactions (Smilak and Putnam 2022, p. 258).

 

Even though this paper demonstrates how the utilization of neocolonialism given rise by colonialism shapes contemporary international relations to some extent. It is fair to mention the accountability decolonized states can take in shaping international relations today. Before concluding, this final part of this essay argues from an opposing point of view in which responsibility and accountability of the African colonies for the failure to educate their people and develop economically and politically to change the trajectory of colonial-style international relations. It is crucial to address the accountability African frontrunners have on the disappointment of post-colonial leadership and the responsibility to convert the societal structures from a minor secondary free enterprise to an independent free enterprise development (Arowosegbe 2015 p. 613). The African struggle consists of much more than the endurance of poverty and underdevelopment, as Africa fails to recognize the worth of its uniqueness and, therefore, fails to educate African people concerning the truth of its history and value as a continent (Arowosegbe 2015, p. 621). The secret is educating The African residents about their land and developing a new ideological system that identifies the spirit of African traditions and reverting from the foreign national government (Arowosegbe 2015, p. 621). Africa taking accountability for the state the continent is in will transform from a victim mentality to a proactive development strategy. To truly undertake pride and independence, endogenous culture and local resources must be effectively and appropriately utilized (Arowosegbe 2015, p. 621). The African continent's historical victim identity does not transform the continent towards a succeeding future of freedom and the unravelling from the shackles of colonialism and its impacts, and transferring to its people teachings of victimhood instead of building a valued and self-worthy identity that holds prominence and an identified stance of power in global relations. The African continent's failure to establish an indigenous identity post-colonization may explain the overthrow of the continent as an apparatus controlled and employed by the other global players for their interests (Arowosegbe 2015, p. 621). Africa's corridor regarding the achievement of autonomous free enterprise lays responsibility towards African social scientists and their commitment to their skills and techniques in this standing (Arowosegbe 2015, p. 624). Arowosegbe (2021, p. 276) argues that challenges in commercializing, liberalizing, and privatizing higher education now include answerability and autonomy, competence and equity, indigenization, and internationalization. Despite Nigerian historical colonial subjugation, its path to growth in the initial stages of independence, seen as an emerging global power founded on worldwide reorganized economic balances and political power arrangements, was decadent from the 1980s onwards (Arowosegbe 2021, p. 277). The reclaimed autonomy of Africa put Africans under military dictatorship in the 1990s, which led to abuse of human rights, oppression of freedom of speech, and the destruction of academic choice and university independence by military governments (Arowosegbe 2021, p. 278). Nigeria now offers disruption of academic freedom and the undermining and fall of the universities in the continent, lacking to inspire graduates to employ education into the workforce to utilize the expertise and skills needed for economic development, industrial revolution, and social improvement on a globally competitive scale in international relations (Arowosegbe 2021, p. 276). Although the effects of neocolonialism innovated by colonialism largely continue to shape international relations in the modern age, it is fair to include the accountability post-independent states can take for the continued inferior-exterior relations in international relations today.

 

To conclude, this essay establishes the neocolonial tactics multinational corporations use with their nationalistic approach and domination of the African economy derived from colonialism. The practices of colonialism have evolved into the indirect discourse of what is known as neocolonialism. Colonial motivation exerted material domination, justifying to conquer and control identities in the colonies, similar to the practice of multinational corporations today (Storgaard, et al. 2020, p. 1471). Although most colonial powers today have introverted and given up direct control, the effects continue to shape contemporary international relations and people's lives in both the West and non-west. This essay also argues how colonial arbitrary African border designs kept colonized countries indebted and subjugated to inferiority, perpetuating colonial-style principles by the lack of consideration when partitioning African boundaries, despite these two significant arguments that display how colonialism continues to shape international relations. Ultimately, this essay argues that the rise of neocolonialism birthed from colonialism continues to some extent to affect international relations today. However, this essay does not neglect the mention of the effects of military dictatorship causing the erosion of academic freedom and failings of transforming graduates appropriately into the workforce to aid in economic development, industrial revolution, and social improvement. Although the effects of the rise of neo-colonialism to some extent continue to shape international relations today, the lack of competency and the nature of the state created after claimed independence can account for African dependency to a degree and justify dimmed relations between the states. Considering the claimed autonomy and accountability of post-colonial states accounts for a portion of the trajectory of contemporary international relations and lightens the load of blame for the continued effects of colonialism on international relations in the modern age.

 

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